In Other Words

Abstract:

Muxe [tercer género] es un término muy específico, que debe interpretarse dentro de la cultura indígena zapoteca de origen prehispánico en la zona del istmo de Tehuantepec, en la región costera del estado de Oaxaca, al sur de México y se refiere a un grupo de personas que están fuera del mecanismo binario de género. En este contexto muxes, a quienes originalmente se les había atribuido una identidad de género masculina, asumen en cambio una identidad femenina, muy amenudo también en la ropa que usan, y siempre en el nombre. Lo que puede sorprender es el clima de aceptación general del que pueden gozar en el territorio de esta región, que contrasta con la actitud tradicionalmente machista de la sociedad mexicana. Muy a menudo, de hecho, va mucho más allá de la simple aceptación social y de hecho muchas familias consideran una auténtica fortuna tener dentro de sí una figura de este tipo, que habitualmente se encuadra también a través de acciones de cuidado, superando la tradicional subdivisión de género en el trabajo.

Muxe [third gender] is a term used in the Zapotec community of the Isthmus of Tehuatepec, in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. It is a word that refers to people who do not identify with the binary gender system and, although by birth assigned to the male gender, they identify instead with a female identity often realized through the use of traditional woman clothing. An attitude of social acceptance prevails in the indigenous community to which they belong.

Etymology:

It is thought that the word muxe may derive from the Spanish word ‘mujer’, meaning ‘woman’, and devolved from a pronunciation of the letter ‘x’ that would have sounded very similar to ‘sh’ [pronunciation similar to the word 'ship' in English] at the time of colonization of the Oaxaca region (Mexico). It is used both as a noun (the muxes) and as an adjective (the muxe culture).

 

Cultural specificity:

Together with Chapas, Oaxaca is one of the two Mexican regions with the highest percentage of indigenous population. Within such a context, the Zapotec community has seen, in particular in the last two decades, a growing re-evaluation of its cultural and linguistic autonomy. Several traditions report that the muxe culture is a significant part of the pre-colonial civilization. It should be though emphasized that, in general, these alternative gender figures refer to people who were originally ascribed a male identity, whose feminization corresponds, in a patriarchal culture, to a reduction in social role. Among the figures that in different cultures of the world refer to a 'third sex,' muxe can be considered similar to the Neapolitan term 'femminiello,' on which many studies have been conducted (e.g., Vesce, 2017). 

Cultural specificity can be better drawn only after placing this term within a much more widespread phenomenon that finds space within a general re-discussion of the gender binary system of definition. Indeed, beyond the rigid schema that provides for only one sexual orientation (the heterosexual one) and only two gender identities (the male and the female), during the 20th century especially, phenomena of rediscussion of such stereotypes have been taking place. Such processes have led to the emergence of alternative symbolic figurations that have mostly taken on the name of transsexuality or transgenderism, but have also allowed the emergence of phenomena such as that of intersexuality, which had been previously totally silenced by mainstream medicine and its normative system.

When these paths of identity rediscussion developed in Europe, studies were presented by European researchers such as Karl Heinrich Ulrichs [1825-1895], (1864-1879/1994), and Magnus Hirschfield [1868-1935],  (1910/ 1991; 1920/2000) that used the definition of ‘third sex’ in different ways. Yet, it was not until the late 20th century that the term ‘queer’ appeared in this field, challenging and subverting the more traditional mechanisms of definition precisely because it theorizes and practices a crossing of identity boundaries of both sexual orientation and gender identity. 

It should be though emphasized that terms such as ‘muxe’ (Mexican), ‘bardash’ (Native American), ‘hijra’, ‘chakka’ (Indian), or the Neapolitan ‘femminiello’ refer to independent phenomena that often predate these paths of identity research, and express a relocation of figures that manifest an ability to represent a sort of subculture that is engendered by society to which it belongs and at the same time distances itself from it. 

It important to notice that, in general, all these figurations are constructed on the basis of an orginal attribution of masculine gender identity against which a distancing takes place, in some ways critical but often resulting in the assumption of a stereotypical feminine character.

Conversely, beyond a great many cases of male cross-dressing by some women, there do not appear, at least in such clear-cut terms, parallel phenomena of collective identity construction expressing a gender crossing in the opposite direction, from female to male. These cases of cross-dressing perfomed by women are mostly enacted individually rather than collectively in order to gain greater freedom of movement within patriarchal societies, and often correspond to a relational/sexual orientation towards other women.

In the case of muxe, the abandonment of an original male gender identity is a social and collective stance which entails the loss of a series of privileges related to the patriarchal character of society resulting in a placement of social inferiority.

In Mexico, where the numerical consistency of muxe has been ranked by some studies at around 6 % of the population of the communities in which the phenomenon manifests, the muxes do not seem to know a dimension of marginalization such as that which often characterizes transgender people in other contexts.   

In general, an attitude of full recognition of their presence prevails in the community they belong to. According to some testimonies (e.g., Olita 2018; The Guardian, 2017), families even consider it a real fortune to have a muxe member in their midst, due to the ability that characterizes this subjectivity to combine stereotypical masculine elements (e.g., greater physical strength) with characteristics considered purely feminine, such as greater sensitivity. 

A parental figure may for example think that s/he has had a privileged lot in a muxe child who mostly does not make it to marry, and will thus will remain by her/his side when s/he needs to receive more care at an older age.     

More generally, muxes may have the ability to overcome the gender stereotypes present in the traditional division of labor and thus take on both hard labor (e.g., in agricultural or animal husbandry activities) and domestic tasks normally entrusted to women.   

Therefore, a general attitude of acceptance prevails, which the muxe accounts credit to a pre-Christian indigenous culture prior to colonization. However, it cannot be ruled out that, within the overall Mexican context that exhibits many traits of homotransfobia and machismo, some discriminatory attitudes are still present. 

These contradictory phenomena thus combine cultural elements from Spanish colonization and elements originating from indigenous civilizations, with the result that, for which concerns traditionalist view of gender identities,  contemporary Mexico combines elements of resistance and homologation. 

Let's consider, for example, the traditionalist view of women's place in society. On the one hand, the machismo characteristic of patriarchal societies is culturally very present, and manifests itself also through a massive phenomenon of feminicides that perhaps has no equal in any other country of the world, and that in areas close to the region of Oaxaca has produced in recent times a great many murders even of transgender women. On the other hand, the mystique of the value of motherhood moves beyond the socially accepted rules and accept maternity also outside marriage.

Neither machos nor mothers, figures such as the muxes do not conform to these traditionalist view of gender identity. Though for the most part muxes live  a rather traditional life in the family of origin, there is a very recent emerging desire to vindicate both the possibility of creating one’s own family and of a collective reinforcement of muxe subjectivity and spaces for public expression through manifestations (Islas, 2005; Avgeropoulus, 2007; Olita, 2018).

 

Problematization:

A reality such as muxe suggests manifold insights. Indeed, the enhancement of gender paths of identity subjectivity that refer to specific contexts raises strong questions even for the LGBTQ+ movement itself.

There is no doubt that the increased visibility that the emergence of these issues has made possible has allowed these identity paths to be more widely known - this is for example true for subjectivities such as 'hijra' in India.

However, from an anticolonialist perspective, it must be kept in mind that these very specific paths pose the problem of the extent to which the Western cultural system has tended to repress freer pre-existing expressions.  And even now, when these identity paths are becoming more visible, it should be considered whether they do not run the risk of being homologated - and ri-appropriated - through and within a Western gaze and a Western perspective. An example would be the Pride marches, which indeed offer collective visibility and create a wider sense of community, but they are not part of the local cultural traditions. 

Moreover, it might be interesting to delve into the reasons why these phenomena occur (almost) exclusively from subjects who carry an originally male gender attribution. While it is true that the critique of patriarchy makes urgent and necessary a questioning of the traditional figuration of the role occupied by men, it also evident that, once again, it is precisely 'males’ who, however far from heteronormativity, overwhelmingly occupy the scene.

In their originality, these paths certainly contribute to a dimension in which a critique of a binary system is enacted. The so-called 'third sex' radically questions a systemic, typically Western mode, in which there are no alternatives between two stereotypical models.

However, one can also ask whether distancing from the originally ascribed male gender identity to embrace a female idenity does not result in reproducing preconstituted stereotypes of the opposite gender, thus running the risk of reinforcing the binary system. Conversely, the queer logic affirms the full freedom of the subject to cross sexual and affective identities and orientations, without for that reason having to entrench oneself in a new form of self-recognition.

 

Communication strategies:

The use of the term muxe has long been characteristic of home communities, indicating a cultural specificity that cannot be homologated to other forms of expression that, in the Mexican context, refer to sexual orientation or gender identity that do not conform to prevailing social norms.

Interestingly, however, some muxe witnesses (Islas, 2005; Avgeropoulus, 2007; Olita, 2018) precisely in relation to their own self-definition, point out how, in both national and international contexts, they recognize themselves in terms that are used to represent identity paths to which they feel akin – e.g., homosexual.

The term is not generally considered offensive since it is used within the community culture for a figure who is generally respected, and in a more general context to denote a specific path known to scholars or activists in the Mexican LGBTQ+ movement.

Indeed, in recent decades there has been a growing attention to this reality both in the national context of Mexico, as well as in others. In several documentaries (Islas, 2005; Avgeropoulus, 2007; Olita, 2018), there is evidence of an annual muxe celebration that has many characteristics that resemble that of the Prides present in Mexico as well as internationally, but with the proud assertion of the muxe specificity.

 

Subversion:

The presence of the muxe is reported mainly within subaltern classes, but in the last decades there is a new emerging cultural representation of them through figures who have achieved a certain public and political visibility, together with the representations of muxes in visual productions, either as documentaries or as film protagonists.

One of the most prominent political figures is Amaranta Gomez Regalado, who wanted to give a public political dimension to the expression of muxe subjectivity by standing as a congressional candidate for the ‘México Posible’ party in the 2003 Oaxaca state elections.

Regalado’s broad political platform also included calls for the decriminalization of marijuana and abortion, for which there is legislation characterized by huge disparities between states due to Mexico's federal structure, with some cases of heavy judicial repression.

Performer Lukas Avendaño brought muxe representation into the arts. His recent work includes queer-themed postmodernist works that offer an alternative to Mexican nationalist representations, and in particular to that of Zapotec and Tehuana women.

https://www.quepasaoaxaca.com/lukas-avendano-un-caso-exitoso-del-fracaso/

https://siwarmayu.com/lukas-avendano-reflections-from-muxeidad/

Avendaño embodies the complex identity of muxe and homosexual male in the Tehuantepec area where he was born. His crossdressing performance interweaves ritual dances with passages and actions that engage audience members in autobiographical storylines in order to challenge the widely held view of a gay-friendly indigenous culture, and point toward the existence of lives that negotiate pain and loneliness through the pride of self-affirmation.

A subjectivity in some ways similar to that of muxe is that defined as 'sbiza'ah.' It is present within other Zapotec communities in the Oaxaca region. This is one of the regions where the presence of indigenous people is most prominent, and is also currently finding recognition through a series of regulations that tend to the preservation of their cultural tradition and a certain autonomy capable of retaining certain characteristics of the tradition of indigenous communities.

 

Discussion:

• In your opinion, what does 'third gender' indicates?
• Do the muxes coincide with the image of transsexuality that you have?
• What are muxes called in the context in which you live?
• Which aspects did you find most interesting in the description given of the muxe identity?
• How would you consider the terms 'colonial' and anti-colonial' in relation to the description of the muxes provided in this entry?

 

References/Further Readings:

• Escobar, M. R. C.. (2016). Cuerpos en resistencia.[Bodies in Resistance]. Bogotà: Universidad Central.
• Hirschfeld, M. (1910/ 1991). Transvestites: The Erotic Drive to Cross-Dress. Translated by Michael A. Lombardi-Nash. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991.
• Hirschfeld, M. (1920/2000). The Homosexuality of Men and Women. Translated by Michael A. Lombardi-Nash. 2nd ed. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.
• Miano Borruso, M. (2001). Hombre, mujer y muxe en el istmo de Tehuantepec [Men, women and muxe in the isthmus of Tehuantepec]. Madrid: Plaza y Valdés.
• Ulrichs, K. H. (1864-1879/1994).The Riddle of Man-Manly Love. Trans. Michael Lombardi-Nash. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.
• Vesce, M. C. (2017). Altri transiti. Corpi, pratiche, rappresentazioni di femminielli e transessuali [Other transitions. Bodies, practices, representations of femminielli and transexuals]. Milano: Mimesis.

Films/documentaries: 

• Muxes auténticas intrépidas y buscadoras de peligro [Muxes: authentic, daring and looking for troubles]. (2005). MEX. Directed by Alejandra Islas.
• Muxes de Juchitan [Muxes of Juchitan]. (2007). MEX. Directed by Yorgos Avgeropoulus.
• Muxes (2018) MEX. Directed by Ivan Olita.

Links:

https://www.99.media/it/muxes-una-storia-di-integrazione-dalle-radici-antiche/

Muxes. Mexico’s third gender. The Guardian (2017): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iiek6JxYJLs

How to cite this entry:

Malaroda, G. (2022). Muxe. In Other Words. A Contextualized Dictionary to Problematize Otherness. Published: 29 October 2022. [https://www.iowdictionary.org/word/muxe, accessed: 24 April 2024]