In Other Words

Abstract:

What are you saying? What are you saying?

This is a fight against words

(Contre paroles – Ultras Red Men 08)

 

حقرة هي كلمة صعبة الترجمة، وتعني عمومًا "الإهانة" أو "الظلم" في اللهجات العربية في بلاد المغرب. في السنوات الأخيرة، لقد أصبح مصطلحًا ذا طابع سياسي قوي، وتعبيرًا ذا معنى متغير ينقل فورًا شعورًا بالظلم الاجتماعي والاقتصادي الذي يشترك فيه قطاع واسع من سكان بلاد المغرب: اليوم، يُعد المحقور فئة اجتماعية يعرّف بها آلاف الشباب المضطهدين على الضفة الجنوبية للبحر الأبيض المتوسط، من الطبقات العاملة إلى الطبقات الوسطى

Ḥogra (حقرة) is a difficult word to translate, generally meaning 'humiliation' or 'oppression' in the Arabic dialects of the Maghreb. In recent years, it has become a strongly politicised term, an expression with a floating meaning that immediately conveys a feeling of social and economic injustice shared by large segments of the Maghreb population. Today, the maḥgūr (the victim of ḥogra) is a social category with which thousands of oppressed youth on the southern shore of the Mediterranean identify, from the working classes to the middle classes.

 

Etymology:

Like many words in the Arabic language, ḥogra does not have a simple and immediate translation into English. The best way to catch its meaning is to look at the root formed by the three letters ḥ-q-r (ح ق ر). In Standard Arabic, the verb ḥaqara (Form I) means 'to despise, scorn, disdain'; the verb iḥtaqara (Form VIII) means 'to loathe, look down, insult, ridicule'. In the Maghrebi dialects, the word ḥoqra (pronounced ḥogra) has taken on the meaning of 'institutional humiliation', 'structural contempt', or 'state of injustice'.

 

Cultural specificity:

The word ḥogra is part of the linguistic repertoire of the Maghreb region (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia). Although it comes from classical Arabic, there is no trace of the term being used, for example, in other Arab-majority societies in North Africa and the Levant.

The Maghreb is a stratified and multilingual context characterized by the coexistence of Standard Arabic, Arabic dialects, Tamazight (with its regional variants), French, Spanish, Italian, and the influx of other languages. Maghrebi Arabic (darīǧa or derǧa [dialect]) is one of the defining elements of the Maghreb, a region that shares certain cultural traits distinct from both the Mashreq (the Arab Levant) and the rest of Africa. Indeed, Moroccan darīǧa is perceived as the ‘black sheep’ of the Arabic languages’ family, often described as inferior to other dialects or even as non-Arabic, due to Berber, French, and Spanish influence (the latter especially in the area of former Spanish protectorate). 

The distinction between Maghreb and Mashreq was coined by medieval Arab geographers. It was the historian and precursor of sociology Ibn Khaldun that spoke of ǧazīrat al-maġrib, the western island, to designate the region bordered by the Mediterranean to the north and the Sahara Desert to the south, from which he excluded Cyrenaica and Egypt (Tamburini, 2023). Arabs from the Levant and the Arabian Peninsula have long regarded the Maghreb as a distinct and peripheral region, distant from the holy sites of Islam (Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem), not to mention that the Mashreq is considered a more opulent region due to its vast oil resources and historically significant for having given rise to two empires that shaped the history of Islam: the Umayyad Caliphate and the Abbasid Caliphate. 

However, Maghreb identity was shaped above all in relation to the ideology and orientalist semantic constructs produced by the experience of French colonialism; Maghreb as a region was 'invented' racially and geographically through the orientalist colonial gaze, aiming at isolating what belonged to France and distinguish it from other regional entities (Hannoum, 2021). 

The project of a regional economic and political community of the countries of the Greater Maghreb (Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya), established through the Arab Maghreb Union (al-Ittiḥād al-Maġribī al-ʿArabī) and created in 1989, has come to a standstill in the mid-1990s due to the conflict between Morocco and Algeria over the disputed sovereignty of Western Sahara. To this day, the border between Morocco and Algeria remains sealed, making air travel the only possible way of moving between the two countries (not to mention the irregular crossings).

In recent years, new racial dynamics and populist grammars have evolved around the divide between the Maghreb and the Sub-Saharan countries, reshaping new ideas of (Arab) whiteness and (African) blackness.

In the face of political fragmentation and multiple colonial and post-colonial trajectories, one of the factors that has helped shape Maghreb identity has been the sharing of a similar dialect, characterized by a significant Berber substratum and a strong influence of French (and, to a lesser extent, Spanish and Italian). There are certain words and expressions that, in spite of some regional variations in pronunciation that do not follow national borders, are found throughout the Maghreb area and contribute to creating a specific sense of brotherhood.

Ḥogra is an example of a transnational word that has reflected, and contributed to, this process of region-formation, beginning with the construction of an awareness that the citizens of the Maghreb share a similar destiny.

In its most immediate translation, ḥogra refers to a state of contempt and humiliation favored by the economic elite and political institutions. Unlike the feeling of personal shame, expressed in Moroccan Arabic by the term ḥšūma (embarrassment, shame), which conveys a sense of personal guilt, the maḥgūr (the victim of ḥogra) does not refrain from openly claiming and denouncing his or her humiliation. It is a rhetoric that bring to the fore the socio-economic conditions of inequality and social injustice perpetuated by the elites of post-colonial States, whether they have followed openly pro-Western political and economic trajectories (such as Morocco and Tunisia) or policies inspired by socialism, as in Algeria and in the early years of the presidency of Bourguiba in Tunisia.

What emerges is a cross-cutting denunciation of the contempt directed at the popular masses, framed and managed by police and State corps through a repressive lens, but also of a complex set of day-to-day micro-practices of humiliation and abuses of power carried out within the family, the workplace, at school, in the streets, or at the stadium by different typologies of ḥaggār (oppressor, bully). In his work with middle-class Tunisian youth in the municipality of Ben Arous, Cordova (2023: 180-181) describes it in terms of frustration arising from comparison with members of wealthier social classes, in which a perception of annihilating inadequacy comes to the fore.

Within such a framework, ḥogra is a word that also resonates with women's lifes and experiences as it indicates a sense of powerlessness, injustice, and humiliation that women endure in different contexts as the effect of societal expectations and inequities, of the culpable inadeguacy of the State to provide basic services - such as hospital care - and of the persistence of power structures and bureaucratic procedures that prevent women to become active agents in society. However, due to my research trajectory, I am more familiar with the way it is employed by young men from the urbanized lower and lower-middle classes in Morocco, thus making ḥogra a term marked by gender, generation, and social class. 

From the perspective of this social group, it identifies a living condition which, because of economic inequalities and political oppression, does not ensure the fulfillment of personal aspirations, access to consumer society and goods, or the attainment of what are considered rites of passage into adulthood (such as marriage and procreation or stable employment that would enable them to become the breadwinners of their families). It reflects a life lived in a constant sense of ordinary humiliation and unfulfillment; it is the opposite of what is considered the standard of a dignified life, expressed in Arabic through the concept of karāma or ʿaysh karīm (see Vacchiano, 2022).

Communication strategies:

The feeling of victimhood does not imply only passivity and resignation. Hogra has been used as a protest slogan within a variety of social movements, fueling explicit demonstrations against social injustice and becoming a well-known term in academic literature and the press. In recent years, it has become a strongly politicised term, an expression with a floating meaning that immediately conveys a feeling of social and economic injustice shared by large segments of the Maghreb population. Today, the maḥgūr is a social category with which thousands of oppressed youth on the southern shore of the Mediterranean identify, from the working classes to the middle classes. “Al-hogra also stands for dissatisfaction and frustration with the status quo and is used as a vehicle for social mobilization around overlapping human rights issues such as the right to work, to education, to health, to housing, to justice, to equality, to ethnic and linguistic diversity, to religious freedom, to potable water and electricity, to dignity and respect, and so on” (Ilahiane, 2022: 79).

The quite vast literature discussing the term claims that ḥogra was first known in the colonial and post-colonial Algeria (see: https://www.afrik.com/la-hogra-un-mal-algerien), shifting from an individual and contextual feeling to a political, public and collective signifier during the October 1988 mass demonstrations, where many reported the use of the slogan “lā li-l-ḥogra” [no to ḥogra], (Remaoun & Khouaja, 2012). The structural adjustment programs of the 1980s and 1990s, implemented in exchange for IMF (International Monetary Fund) loan lines, exacerbated economic inequalities in the countries of the Maghreb, laying the groundwork for the uprisings of the 2000s, which erupted with greater force and scale from 2010 onwards.

In December 2010, the revolt – or revolution – in Tunisia was sparked by a textbook example of ḥogra: a twenty-six-year-old man from Sidi Bouzid (Central Tunisia) working as a street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, literally set himself on fire as an extreme act of despair after police officers had confiscated his vegetable cart (Aalouach-Belkanichi, 2014). Bouazizi’s self-immolation ignited not only the rest of Tunisia, where it culminated in the ousting of Ben Ali dictatorship and the beginning of an unstable political transition, but also many other Arab-majority countries, which began protesting against economic inequality, rampant unemployment, and the monopolization of resources by the elites.

In Morocco, from February 20, 2011, leftist and Islamist groups took to the streets to protest the power structure of the King and the makhzen (literally “storehouse”, makhzen is the most common word used to identify the royal State apparatus in Morocco) as the perpetrator of ḥogra (Hannoum, 2020; Vacchiano & Afailal, 2021). Later on, ḥogra was one of words appearing in the slogans of the Hirak movement in the Moroccan Rif (2016-2017). Vacchiano (2020: 10) reports the display of a sign reading “al ḥogra taqtal” (ḥogra kills) at the funeral of Mouhcine Fikri, a thirty-one-year-old man who died while trying to recover a load of fish confiscated by a police officer and dumped into a garbage compactor. His tragic death, reminiscent of the circumstances surrounding the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi six years earlier in Tunisia, sparked a wave of protests in the Rif region.

And it is still the word ḥogra which has resonated in the Hirak movements in Algeria in 2019 (Nini, 2023) up to the most recent demonstrations in Morocco by Generation Z 212 and those in Tunisia against the environmental disaster in the city of Gabes.

From the other side, the rhetoric of ḥogra victimhood can be adopted also by populist regimes in a demagogic and paternalistic way. Tunisian President Kaïs Saïed, for example, insisted that the “word ḥogra in colloquial Arabic must disappear completely. Tunisians have a legitimate right to dignity […] despite the conspirators inside and outside the country" (see: https://shorturl.at/bkBXX).

It emerges that ḥogra is both an individual and a collective term, expressing a shared sentiment while at the same time meaning different things to different people in different places, making its indeterminacy both its strength and its weakness. It has not only been mobilised during the protests of the past twenty years but has inspired many forms of cultural expression such as books, movies and magazines (see: https://telquel.ma/sommaire/hogra).

In addition to the street protests that periodically erupt in the Maghreb, another significant political arena for young Maghrebi men since the 2000s has been football stadiums, modeled on Italian and European ultras (Bourkia, 2018). The ultras groups of the Maghreb – composed of young men from different social classes – have progressively become well-known on the international scene with the advent of social media, thanks to their impressive production of choreographies (tifo), the simultaneous lighting of flares (krakāǧ), and coordinated body movements during chants launched by the leader (capo) of the curva.

The strict link between politics and football highlights how the belonging to an ultras group (often in rivalry with one another, even when supporting the same team) goes beyond a passion for football and love for the local team. With the repression of gatherings in squares and streets, stadiums have become relatively protected spaces and contexts in which to stage criticism of power, the system, authority, and institutions, with an emotional intensity and involvement rarely reached elsewhere and amplified by social networks. It is evident that ultras social worlds are not bound by any political ideology, but are defined by a strong stance against the police, repression, corruption, colonialism, unemployment, and regimes (Tuastad, 2014).

Which word could best summarise a feeling of generalised frustration toward an anonymous system of power shared by the whole ultras movement in a transnational context?

The chants and songs composed by specific ultras groups have made extensive use of the subversive and unifying potential of the multiple meanings of ḥogra. Stadium chants are often released as music albums by musicians associated with the ultras groups, translated or transliterated from darīǧa, and posted on social networks.

Here below are five excerpts of Moroccan ultras songs that received millions of views on YouTube and, through social media, expanded their message far beyond the stadiums. These lyrics, which make extensive use of code-switching (Miller et al., 2023) and sarcastic remarks, form part of a repertoire that places the concept of structural humiliation at its center, accusing a generalized 'other' (the police, the government, "you", "they”…) of social injustice, police daily violence, repression of ultras, and the oppression and unemployment of youth, often rallying the entire curva around the concept and the expectation of divine justice and reparation.

 

Contre paroles – Ultras Red Men 08 (CODM, 2015, 1 million views) 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qKIsNuYzEeQ

maghreb ykhales 3el chomour	A Morocco that pays unemployment benefits [šumūr]
maghreb y3awen 3el belay	A Morocco that helps with the [drug] addiction
maghreb koulchi 3ayech fort	A Morocco where everyone lives well
koulchi ygoul denia hania	Everyone says life is easy [denyā hāniya]
berlamani fih lkhiiir	In parliament there is only good
kif lef9ir ki lwaziir	The poor is equal to the ministry
blad mafiha fou9ara	A country with no poor [fuqarāʾ]
ghir 40 melion kousala	Only 40 million lazy ones [kūsāla]
ch katgoul ntaya ch katgoul	What are you saying? What are you saying?
da klash contre paroles	This is a fight against words [contre paroles]
ghayfehmou ghi lmass2oul	Only the person in power will understand
li f karamtou medloul x2	Who is worthless in his dignity
bladi blad tanmia	My country is a country of development
ghi f le7chich lktamia	Only in the hashish from Ketama
mamlaka lmeghribya	The Moroccan Kingdom
dik nog3a l2aslya	The original high-quality weed [nogʿa]
sadrouha lel gawrya	They exported it to the foreigners [gāwrīya]
w ychedouna 3la togya	And they arrested us for the bad quality hashish [ṭogīya]

 Irréversible, Outro - Ultras Helala Boys (Kénitra AC, 2012, 4 million views) 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sAl1DXybNdo&list=RDsAl1DXybNdo&start_radio=1

hada message li lbouliss w l7oukouma	This is a message for the police and for the government
man l7ogra ca y est skhatna w malina […]	from l-ḥogra, we are already fed up […]
desole wlidek wlah madloum	Sorry mother, your son is oppressed [madlūm],
f bladi wlit n3ich ma7gour	in my country I live humiliated [maḥgūr].

 

Hadi Blad l-Hogra – Ultra Hercules 2007 (IR Tanger, 2019, 5 million views) 

ھادي بلاد الحكرة	This is the land of l-ḥogra
و دموعنا فیھا سالو	Where our tears here have flowed
لھیشة فیھا مراا	Life here is bitter
مكدبوش لي قاالو	They didn’t lie, those who said…
قتلونااا بالھضرة	They killed us with their speech
ما شوفنا وااالو	We’ve seen nothing [of it].
فموازین شاكیرا	In Mawazine [music festival] Shakira
راھا دات ملیار	Took [was paid] a milliard
و حنا طلبناھا صغیرة	While our requests are small
كویتونابالأسعار	And you killed us with prices
بربي مافیا كبیرة	By God, this is a big mafia
كلشي ولا شفار	And everyone has become a thief

 

F-Bladi Dalmouni – Ultras Eagles 06 (Raja CA, 2018, 24 million views)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LY9RKaW4iqE&t=59s

 

في بلادي ظلموني	Oh oh oh oh oh oh
اوه اوه اوه اوه	In my country they oppressed me
لمن نشكي حالي	To whom can I complain [nshki] for my situation?
اوه اوه اوه اوه	Oh oh oh oh oh oh
الشكوى للرب العالي	The complaint [al-shakwā] is to the Most High Lord
اوه اوه اوه اوه	Oh oh oh oh oh oh
غير هو اللي داري	Only he knows my situation
فهاد البلاد عايشين في غمامة	In this country, we live in a cloud
طالبين السلامة	Asking for safety
انصرنا يا مولانا	Help us, oh our Lord
صرفوا علينا حشيش في كتامة	They offered us hashish of Ketama
خلونا كاليتامى	They left us like orphans
نتحاسبو في القيامة	We will settle accounts on Judgment Day
مواهب ضيعتوها	You wasted [our] talents
بالدوخة هرستوها	You crushed them with drug
كيف بغيتو تشوفوها	How do you want to see it?
فلوس البلاد گع كليتوها	The country’s money, you devoured it all
للبرّاني عطيتوها	You gave it to the foreigner [bārrani]
Génération قمعتوها	The generation, you repressed it [qmaʿtūhā]

 

Qelb 7azin – Winners 2005 (Wydad AC, 2019, 7 million views)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DG3WxbtDPeo&list=RDDG3WxbtDPeo&start_radio=1 

ya 9alb 7zine	Oh sad heart
yabki 3la snin yali da3at mani	It cries over the years [I’ve] lost
mousta9bel fen	Where is the future?
l3mer izid pauvré raho i3ani	The years pass and the poor suffers
tana jtahadt w9rit	I too persevered and studied
bghit nkhdam mal9it	I wanted to work but couldn’t find [any job]
bladi ma3tatnich ta3ti lel barani	My country gave me nothing, it gives to the foreigner [bārrani]
maranich à l’aise f blad chefara	I’m not at ease in a country of thieves
mat7elmouch bel paradis	Don’t dream of Paradise
netla9aw 3and moulana /.../	We will meet with our Lord
l blad zadet fessdat o fi9 yal mass2oul	The country has gone on being ruined, wake up people in charge
la jeunesse ga3 hargat	All the youth have migrated illegally [hargat]
men lblad raha harbat	From the country, they fled [harbat]
chi 9ta3 lb7ar o chi mat	Some crossed the sea, some died

Subversion:

In the recent years, ḥogra has been associated and intertwined with another word that, despite its regional variations (ḥarga, ḥrīg, ḥreg), is used and understood mainly among the young people of the Maghreb region (Garnaoui, 2022).

From the Arabic root ḥ-r-q (ق ح ر) – the same letters that form the root of ḥogra, but in a different order – this term serves as a powerful metaphor for border crossing as an act of 'burning', with both practical and metaphorical meanings. In the practical sense, young Maghrebi migrants, excluded from the right to travel safely, have been forced to cross the Mediterranean using improvised means, sometimes burning their documents to avoid identification. In the metaphorical sense, these irregular travelers 'burn' prohibition and obstacles in order to bet on an opportunity for social mobility, seen as unattainable in their place of origin. Ḥogra started being associated with the burning of borders and attempts to leave one’s country, another means of protest or to 'vote with one’s feet'.

The burners of borders (so-called ḥarrāga, the present participle of the verb “to burn” referring both to irregular migrants and to those who facilitate the 'illegal' journey) flee from ḥogra (Souiah, 2012; Mastrangelo, 2019). As an emic word, ḥogra is used to condensate the reasons why thousands of Maghreb citizens continue to leave despite the militarisation of the Mediterranean ongoing since the 2000s, in a way that transcends the dichotomies of analytical and scientific discourse that oppose political to economic migration, forced to voluntary migration.

In recent years, the relationship between ḥogra and ḥarga has grown increasingly close, with irregularised migration becoming both a political and individual response to a situation of structural injustice encapsulated in the word ḥogra (Equipaggio della Tanimar, 2025). Images of boats leaving the coasts of Morocco, Algeria, or Tunisia, or collective attempts to climb the fences surrounding the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, are seen as symbols of the failure of post-colonial elites to guarantee dignified living conditions after independence.

In my ethnographic experience, ḥogra has not only become the signifier that best summarises the deep reasons why thousands of Maghrebi people choose to cross the Mediterranean despite European deterrence policies and the externalization of borders. It is also a condition increasingly experienced during the migration process itself, for example in the conditions through which irregular migrants are forced to travel in order to adapt to mobility restrictions and injustice.

In the short movie Hogra. The Struggles for Migrants in Reaching Europe (see: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=47ZR9q9MF5Q&t=33s), a film I produced together with Mustafa Elloud for my PhD dissertation (Torre, 2025), one of the main protagonists evokes the concept of ḥogra to speak of the violent pushbacks, reclusion and deportation that he experienced by the Turkish police, while he was trying to cross the border with Bulgaria to reach Europe through the Balkan routes.

Ḥogra, then, is not only a condition of humiliation that is 'escaped' through crossing the Mediterranean; it is something that attaches itself to the lives of the ḥarrāga, becoming emblematic of the double absence described by Abdelmalek Sayad (2014): the migrant is a subject discriminated against in their place of origin and rejected in the places of transit, arrival, and expulsion, continuously pushed back, humiliated, and oppressed.

 [I wish to thank Saida Tayeb for providing her insightful remarks on the women's experience of hogra].

 

Discussion:

• Can you think of a word that, in your language/culture/context, expresses a notion/emotion of personal and collective 'humiliation' similar to hogra?
• In which occasions and conditions is it used?
• Has it been reappropriated and resignified in some ways? And in case, how and by whom?
   

References/Further Readings:

Aalouach-Belkanichi, H. (2014). Les fruits de la Hogra: La première marche de la Révolution tunisienne 2010-11. Editions Orizons - Replica.

Bourkia, A. (2018). Des Ultras Dans la Ville: Etude sociologique sur un aspect de la violence urbaine. La croisée des chemins.

Cordova, G. (2023). Karim e gli altri. La gioventù tunisina dopo la Primavera [Karim and the others. Tunisian youth after the Tunisian Spring]. Rosenberg & Sellier.

Equipaggio della Tanimar. (2025). Controdizionario del confine. Parole alla deriva nel Mediterraneo centrale [Counterdictionary of borders. Words adrift in the central Mediterranean Sea] (F. Torre, A c. Di). Tamu-Tangerin.

Garnaoui, W. (2022). Harga et désir d’occident: Etude psychanalytique des migrants clandestins tunisiens. Edition Nirvana.

Hannoum, A. (2020). Living Tangier: Migration, race, and illegality in a Moroccan city (1st edition). University of Pennsylvania Press.

Hannoum, A. (2021). The Invention of the Maghreb: Between Africa and the Middle East (1^a ed.). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108937337

Ilahiane, H. (2022). Al-Hogra-A State of Injustice. Portraits of Moroccan Men in Search of Dignity and Piety in the Informal Economy. In K. Isidoros & M. C. Inhorn (A c. Di), Arab masculinities: Anthropological reconceptions in precarious times (pp. 77–95). Indiana University Press.

Mastrangelo, S. (2019). Emigrer en quête de dignité: Tunisiens entre désillusions et espoirs. Presses universitaire François Rabelais.

Miller, C., Caubet, D., & Ziamari, K. (2023). From emotion to politics: A sociolinguistic analysis of the Moroccan Ultras’ chants. Journal of Arabic Sociolinguistics, 1(1), 50–75. https://doi.org/10.3366/arabic.2023.0005

Nini, K. Z. (2023). El hogra. L’apartheid algérien. Spinelle.

Remaoun, H., & Khouaja, A. (A c. Di). (2012). Les mots au Maghreb. Dictionnaire de l’espace public. CRASC.

Sayad, A. (2014). La double absence. Des illusions de l'émigré aux souffrances de l'immigré. Points.

Souiah, F. (2012). Les harraga algériens. Migrations Société, 143, 105–120. https://doi.org/10.3917/migra.143.0105

Tamburini, F. (2023). Storia, istituzioni, diritto e potere nel «Grande Maghreb» [History, institutions, rights, and power in 'The Great Maghreb']. Pisa University Press.

Torre, F. (2025). Bruciare le frontiere. Rotte, confini e solidarietà della migrazione marocchina in Europa. [Burn the borders. Routes, borders, and solidarity of the Moroccan migration in Europe]. Meltemi.

Tuastad, D. (2014). From football riot to revolution. The political role of football in the Arab world. Soccer & Society, 15(3), 376–388. https://doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2012.753541

Vacchiano, F. (2022). Antropologia della dignità. Aspirazioni, moralità e ricerca del benessere nel Marocco contemporaneo. [Anthropology of dignity. Aspirations, morality, and research of well-being in contemporary Morocco]. Ombre corte.

Vacchiano, F., & Afailal, H. (2021). 'Niente sarà più come prima'. Impegno personale e soggettivazione politica nel Movimento del 20 febbraio in Marocco.  The Journal of North African Studies , 26 (2), 231–250. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2019.1665282

How to cite this entry:

Torre, F. (2026). Hogra. In Other Words. A Contextualized Dictionary to Problematize Otherness. Published: 23 March 2026. [https://www.iowdictionary.org/word/hogra, accessed: 09 April 2026]